MSM notices the CCP’s hideous “one child policy”

July 25, 2012

Truth be told, the USA Today piece is a very good sketch on the forced abortion scheme – and the web of corruption that preserves it and profits from it.

The hideous chemical burning of Pan Chunyan’s child (“because the whole body was black and the skin on the face had peeled”) would be enough for outrage, but this little gem of info should not go unnoticed:

Another reason why the policy will probably remain is the army of family planner bureaucrats nationwide who depend on its collateral benefit: It boosts their salaries. Authorities across China collect more than $3 billion a year from “out-of-policy” pregnancies, according to China Economic Weekly magazine. Many Chinese say that money winds up in the pockets of corrupt bureaucrats.

Wu Liangjie raised the $8,640 fee before his wife’s forced abortion, but his payment was not distributed in time to the several government agencies expecting a cut, he says. Since the child was never born, Wu is eligible for a refund, but only if he is sterilized.

This blood-money scheme was what Joe Biden claimed he “fully understood.”

Thankfully, there is a presidential candidate who truly understands this dangerous tyranny.

Cross-posted to the China e-Lobby and Bearing Drift


Why I still support Mitt Romney

February 13, 2012

The Santorum surge has radically altered the state of the Republican presidential race – at least as of today. Whether Santorum has the strength to defeat Mitt Romney is an open question; we shall see over the next few months. However, many of my friends are heavily leaning (or have fallen over) in Santorum’s direction. When I decided my choice for president, Santorum had hardly caught any fire; however, I am sticking with Romney.

I have three main reasons for doing so:

First and foremost: only one candidate has raised the alarm on the Chinese Communist Party – and that candidate is Mitt Romney: He has been alone in raising concern over the regime’s theft of intellectual property from foreign dupes investors far and wide. He is the first candidate for president ever to take note of the CCP’s desire to build a global network of tyrants to challenge the free world (not even Duncan Hunter mentioned that in 2008). He has continued to sound the alarm on them despite being attacked for it by the other candidates – including none other than Rick Santorum. For the uninitiated, just about every enemy of America or threat to the same (the mullahcracy of Iran, Saddam Hussein before he was deposed, the Taliban, al Qaeda, North Korea, the Syrian regime, even Qaddafi) has been backed or is backed by the Chinese Communist Party (for the latest on the Tehran-Beijing axis, see the National Post). We need a president who recognizes this danger – and Mitt Romney alone makes the cut.

Second, Romney has the private sector experience that is needed: Just to be clear, private sector experience itself, while certainly valuable, is not per se what I mean. It is Romney’s experience in taking on bloated companies that are bleeding money with antiquated business plans that got my attention – especially given that the new president will take over an executive branch bleeding over $1T a year with far too large a bureaucracy and service systems (e.g. entitlements) stuck in 1969. None of the other candidates have experience in paring down overloaded personnel and modernizing a wheezing entity.

Finally, I consider Romney’s conversion on life to be sincere: I’ve given this one a lot of thought over the last few months, and for good reason. The abortion issue being what it is, many politicians have held to one view throughout. Some have shifted, once, based on intellectual pondering, a dramatic personal story, or, well, crass political considerations. Romney is the only politician I know who has double-backed on this issue. Initially, in 1994, Romney had his personal story (if memory serves, a distant relative had died from an illegal abortion), and that seemed that.

Then the embryonic stem-cell research debate hit Boston.

Normally, views on ESCR are driven by views on unborn life in general. Defenders of the latter by and large can’t stand the former, although a few do. Almost no one who defines themselves as pro-choice opposes ESCR. So one can imagine the surprise when Romney himself tried to stop the creation (and destruction) of research-only embroys. It just doesn’t make sense. After a while, it didn’t make sense to Romney either, and he realized that if you can’t tolerate the death of one embryo, you can’t tolerate the death of any of them.

It’s an unusual journey on the issue, of that there is no doubt. But Mitt Romney is more an empirical politician than a philosophical one; he builds his views from what he sees in front of him – and in this case, what he saw in front of him was so horrifying it overrode the loss of his relative.

These are the reasons I still support Romney. I do not think his nomination is inevitable. Nor do I think he would automatically be a better general election candidate than Rick Santorum – each has their own potential path to victory.

I do think Romney will be better at reducing the size and scope of government, identifying our enemies around the world, and standing up to said enemies. In short, I think he would be a better president than anyone else in the field.

Cross-posted to Bearing Drift


Mitt Romney for President

December 29, 2011

This post was originally published in Bearing Drift, under a different title. I am reposting here because it provides the best explanation of my decision regarding the vote I will cast on March 6. For those curious, Communist China as an issue and the performance of the candidates were what led me to Mitt Romney even when candidates not named Ron Paul were options.

This is a post that has been brewing in my brain for some time, but was finally pushed through to my fingers by my friend Shaun Kenney’s post on Ron Paul. Shaun, forced by the utter incomptence of the other campaigns to choose between Mitt Romney and Ron Paul, made his case for the latter. Given the choice in front of us, my preferences lean heavily toward the former, and I can’t think of a better place to explain why than here at BD .

I will not discuss the various character and association issues that critics of Paul have raised, mainly for two reasons: first, Ken Falkenstein did it already; second, those who still support or are considering supporting Paul have already discounted much or all of that on the assumption that he represents the best chance to advance limited government. It is that assumption I will challenge in this post.

Let’s go right to the heart of the problem most conservatives have with Romney (including myself): Health Care. Just about everyone knows of Mitt Romney’s support for the individual mandate in Massachusetts and nationwide. However, it takes more than a mandate to bring about socialized medicine (in fact, a mandate might not even be necessary – Barack Obama vehemently opposed one in 2008). It also requires a willingness to use the government’s monopoly/monopsony power in the market to regulate prices and deny services. This is the great danger of single-payer systems such as the British or Canadian examples; this is the concept that led to Obamacare’s “death panels”; this is the danger that in my view is far greater than the mandate discussion (although the mandate is no small potatoes).

Which candidate has supported using the American government’s monopsony power to distort the market in such a fashion? Not Mitt Romney

Moving on, let’s look at social issues. Ron Paul repeatedly refers to himself as “pro-life,” but it would be more accurate to say he has a “popular sovereignty” view on the matter (i.e., it is purely a state issue). That would certainly be an improvement over the status quo, but it hardly means much given that the only way that scenario occurs is an overturn of Roe v. Wade. While I am fairly certain Dr. Paul would do his best to find Justices that would bring that about, the endorsement of Mitt Romney by none other than Robert Bork tells me I can trust either man on this point. Beyond that, Romney’s admittedly unusual travels on this issue (many move one way or the other; he is one of the very few to double back to the pro-life position) are largely irrelevant for now. If Roe were overturned, there may – stress may – be some space between the two, but I’d be happy to see that bridge in my lifetime, let alone cross it.

Shaun also mentioned gun rights, and I’d be a fool to say Romney is better than Paul (or even equal to him) on this; but a Republican presidential victory in November will mean a fully Republican Congress (the Democrats have to defend nearly two dozen Senate seats next year), and if a Republican Congress passes restrictions on gun rights, we have much bigger problems than Mitt Romney or Ron Paul.

Finally, it might be a good idea to take a look at Romney’s budget record, which involved erasing a large shortfall without a general tax increase despite a hostile legislature – something for which many conservatives have praised Bob McDonnell for two years now. Personally, I’m not comfortable with either Governors’ over-reliance on revenue-generating fees or the closing of tax “loopholes,” but I’ve been deep in the minority on that opinion for a good while now. What’s good from Richmond (for those who think it is) should be just as good from Boston.

Paul, by contrast, has greatly over-leveraged his old reputation as “Dr. No.” Lest we forget, the man who repeatedly talks about the proper role of constitutional government sponsored legislation that would have created an insurance moral hazard and could have partially reflated the housing bubble. He even had this to say about it:

Providing tax relief to first-time homebuyers and to those affected by natural disasters should be one of Congress’ top priorities.

I don’t remember that priority coming out of Philadelphia in 1787.

This leads me to a greater problem with Dr. Paul: his limited government mantra disappears when microeconomics are involved. From a macroeconomic perspective, Paul checks all the boxes on limited government; move to the micro-level and he becomes much more comfortable with economic distortions than his supporters like to admit. As a Congressman, that problem can be manageable, as a President, it can lead to the “targeted tax-cuts” fiasco of the Clinton years, or the above monopsony issue. Compared to this, Mitt Romney’s economic record, while hardly sterling (see above), holds up quite well.

Of course, there is foreign policy: perceived to be Paul’s greatest weakness. Even Shaun admits he has a problem with it (so I’d advise you to just read what he has to say on the matter first), but I would also add two other points. First, unlike any of the other candidates, Romney clearly perceives the economic danger from the Chinese Communist Party – both in their currency distortions and their lack of respect for intellectual property rights. In fact, Romney is the only presidential candidate I have seen focused on the intellectual theft issue. In response, his opponents have sneered at him for daring to spike the “engagement” Kool-Aid. Secondly, but just as importantly, Dr. Paul completely fails to understand the importance of a vigorous foreign policy in aiding limited government. Jefferson suffered from a similar lapse in his Administration, and he found himself caught between the French and British Empires. The result was the Embargo Act fiasco – the closest that 19th century America ever came to a police state – and the catastrophic War of 1812.

Romney, for all his faults, understands the threats to America and the havoc they can wreak. While this election season has focused far less on foreign policy than it should, we cannot forget it.

I would add one more item to my list of reasons why Romney deserves a second look in the Old Dominion: he has been the best performing candidate, by far, of any in the field. As the other candidates have moved from gaffe to gaffe (Bachmann on vaccines, Paul on foreign policy and the supposed bigotry of his opponents, Cain on foreign policy, Gingrich on judges, Perry on just about everything, and Santorum on whining about debate time), Romney has been near-perfect. The only thing that comes close to a slip-up was his attempt to goad Perry into a $10,000 wager.

I am loath to mention general election polling, in part because only Romney has been consistently polled against Obama, but it is telling that despite the turbulent reaction from Republican voters, the general electorate has nearly always put him ahead of Obama or in a statistical tie with him. Clearly voters are seeing something they like, or can at least entertain seriously, in November 2012.

Virginia Republicans and conservatives are faced with a choice between two men who are far from perfect; both have admirable qualities, to be sure. However, a thorough and detailed examination of the choices reveals that Romney is better on the critical matters in front of us than he appears, while Paul is a good deal worse than he appears on these same matters. I can understand why my good friend Shaun would lean Paul’s way, but for the reasons above, I can not agree with him.


About last night . . .

May 25, 2011

No bones about it, last night’s New York result was a defeat for the Republicans - period. Had Democrat-turned-Republican-turned-gadfly  Jack Davis won 20% of the vote – or even 15% – perhaps some solace could have been taken for the GOP. Instead, he only won 9%, meaning just about every would-be Republican voters was gleaned from him. Tellingly, he did worst in the home county of the Democrat who won – Kathy Hochul. Hochul took 48% of the vote as it is; the idea that over 80% of Davis’ votes would have gone to Republican Jane Corwin is nonsense. The Republicans lost. Full stop.

That said, Hochul and the Democrats revealed their strategy – scare everyone over 50 to death on entitlements – with more than a year to go until Election Day 2012. That gives the GOP time to make adjustments, and as any NBA or NFL fan will tell you, adjustments decide the game. Whether the Republicans will make the correct adjustments is another issue. We shall see.

Moreover, we’ve already been down this road with upstate New York. Lest we forget, the Democrats took New York’s 23rd from the GOP in 2009. In fact, the Dems kept NY-20 in 2010, and we saw what that meant to the rest of the country.

Finally, it should be noted that this district in western New York had been electing pro-life Republicans to Congress for over 40 years (Jack Kemp, Bill Paxon, Tom Reynolds, and Chris Lee). Corwin, by contrast, was not a pro-lifer. In this district, that almost certainly hurt her.

Cross-posted to Virginia Virtucon


Donald Trump’s running for president

February 10, 2011

Seriously.

How do I know? He told Laura Ingraham, “I’m pro-life” (which, by the way, was news to me).

So . . . one of the very few people who didn’t panic when TARP went down and espouses of the most anti-Communist views among New York or Washington . . . will be running for President.

My right-hand column may need serious recalibration.


Deem and pass fails, and the Stupak deal is dealt away

March 20, 2010

In other words, I have no idea what’s going to happen tomorrow.  Still if what Mary Katherine Ham (Weekly Standard) says holds up, it’s the first time I can see an avenue to this thing making it out of Congress alive.

Still, why would Pelosi be so ready to make a desperate deal with Stupak last night if she had the votes?

I guess we’ll all know tomorrow.

Cross-posted to VV


Prediction (sure to go wrong)

March 19, 2010

I’ve been fouling up political predictions in my home country for nearly two decades, so what would one more mean?

Let me just say this: if the Stupak deal is real, it is only because he (Stupak) knows it has 51 votes in the Senate (which is all it needs under the tie-bar, enrollment-correction, alphabet-soup process).  If the options are Obamacare with Stupak and Obamacare without Stupak (and those are the only options if “deem” is “passed”), at least 240 House members will go for the former.  While the Senate version of Stupak only won 45 votes, that was (1) before Ron Kirk was replaced with Scott Brown, (2) with Robert Byrd absent, (3) with Harry Reid playing party leader, rather than Senator in a desperate bid for re-election, and (4) before the Catholic Bishops kicked in with both feet.  There was also the threat of pro-choice Senators that the whole thing would die by filibuster on the Senate floor if Stupak was OKed.  That can’t happen under these circumstances, so Reid and probably a few more Democrats will come on board.

Meaning there is only one way pro-choice Democrats in the House can kill Stupak: kill Obamacare.

Well, way back when, the radical pro-choice crew said they had 41 Democrats ready to kill it, but what with the Senate situation discussed above, they held their fire.

Not this time, they have the one issue that most Democrats in “the base” will accept as an excuse for shooting this down (to say nothing of the folks outside the base who can’t stand this thing).

So . . . I will predict this:

Obamacare goes down, and it’s the pro-choice crew that kills it.

Unless, of course, I’m wrong.

Cross-posted to VV


Obama-Reid-Pelosi-care gaining momentum, or is it losing momentum?

March 15, 2010

Confusion on the Hill.

AP says Obama is “making headway” and picked up another vote – James Oberstar.  Oberstar was a yes who supposedly would flip without the Stupak language on abortion.  Apparently he won’t.

But, David Drier tells the Corner that the Dems are still 10 votes shy – and the “shy” number is growing.

We shall see.

Cross-posted to VV


Memo to House Democrats: if you vote to declare the Senate bill passed, you vote for the Senate bill

March 12, 2010

As we approach the apparent day of reckoning (next Thursday or Friday), it is possible that the House Democrats may try to pull a “self-execution” maneuver.  Much like the “Slaughter rule,” it would basically say that if the House passes the reconciliation bill, the Senate health care bill is deemed “passed.”  Haans Kuttner explains the effect on NRO – Critical Condition:

A self-executing rule could provide that (1) the House passes the Senate health-care-reform bill and (2) the House passes a reconciliation bill. All in one vote. The Senate health-reform bill would then be sent to the president for his approval. The reconciliation bill would be sent to the Senate for further action.

The idea is this: Pelosi et al know Obama-Reidcare can’t win on its own, so they hide it in this House Rule under a bill that does most of the opposite and hesto presto, the bill passes!  The President signs it; the Senate can do whatever it wants (even House Democrats know that’s a minefield); and House Democrats can claim they never really voted for the odious pieces.

Wrong.

It is at this time that I humbly recommend those of us in the rightosphere make certain things abundantly clear to the House Democrats: no matter what parliamentary tricks or buried votes you want to pull . . .

  • If you vote to deem Obama-Reidcare “passed,” you vote for Obama-Reidcare
  • If you vote to deem The Cornhusker Kickback “passed,” you vote for The Cornhusker Kickback
  • If you vote to deem The Louisiana Purchase “passed,” you vote for The Louisiana Purchase
  • If you vote to deem abortion funding “passed,” you vote for abortion funding

No if, ands, or buts.  We will not allow you to hide your vote in parliamentary jelly roll.

Are we clear?

Cross-posted to VV


Stupak won’t vote for Obamacare 2.0

February 23, 2010

The latest version of Obamacare, because it includes the Senate’s softer language on abortion funding, will be opposed by Bart Stupak (Washington Examiner).

Of course, if the “Stupak Amendment” is attached to the Obamacare 2.0, it will probably get Stupak’s vote, but that would cost it the support of a slew of Senate Democrats – probably even enough to sink the S.S. Reconciliation.

The Stupak Amendment was one of the reasons, Jospeh Cao became the only Republican to vote for Obamacare.  Without it, he’s gone, too.  Throw in Robert Wexler’s resignation and John Murtha’s passing, and Obamacare 2.0 loses 217-216.

So, Pelosi needs to flip a previous “no” vote (also unlikely at this point since Obamacare 2.0 spends more money than the Senate version and has no CBO seal of approval) or wait for Wexler and Murtha’s seats to be filled . . .

. . . assuming Stupak brings no other Democrats with him, or that the Dems can hold both vacant seats.  The former is unlikely, and even the latter is far from certain.

I have always believed that the number that mattered on this issue was never 60 or 51, but 218 – and I don’t think that the Dems can get to that number when the rubber hits the road.

Cross-posted to VV


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