On faith, politics, and American history
June 15, 2008Rick Sincere and Jim Bowden are having one of those arguments that would demand any good Irish-descended contrarian (say, like me) try to cut in. In this case, the two bloggers are discussing what role a candidate’s faith can and should play in politics (Jim’s arguments are in the comments on Rick’s post). It’s already an argument approaching rarefied air, but I think it’s missing an important perspective - mine (yeah, I know, I would say that).
Having grown up in the Northeast (the history of which is far richer than most people realize), I can attest to the very unique way America handles this subject. In most of the world, religion has been fighting a long and losing battle against the Enlightenment of the 18th Century. Even in areas where the Enlightenment didn’t quite take hold, the conflict continues to rage.
In this country, by contrast, faith (particularly Christian faith) responded to the Enlightenment and adapted itself to a nation infused with it. The best evidence that faith is best served by a republican form of government is this American historical anomaly (known as the Second Great Awakening). The first government in the history of the world that refused to give people meaning to their lives forced them to find it elsewhere.
Furthermore (and this is where Rick and I part company), given that faith had come to terms with the American system here, it naturally had a right (and, in fact, a duty) to be politically active. It was the faithful men of the northeast (and their cousins in the Ohio Western Reserve) that preserved, protected, and promulgated abolitionism as a political ideal in antebellum America. These men of were also practically alone in extending that to demand what we now call civil rights for African-Americans and equal rights for women.
That said, this dramatic and unique shift in faith’s view of itself and its role did not happen until after Jefferson had died and Lincoln had reached maturity. Thus neither biography can do it justice (although I do know Jefferson called himself Christian during one of this campaigns for the Presidency - I believe it was in 1796). Better to look at those who - even as adults - witnessed its beginnings first-hand in the Northeast (William Henry Seward, Thurlow Weed, Salmon Chase, Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, the Beecher family, etc.). I do not think I need to go into much detail on the role of faith in the modern civil-rights movement.
As for the present day, while faith is hardly the disqualifier that Rick fears (or Cal Thomas apparently hopes) it is, I do think it can have some relevance. Lest anyone forget, the “religious right” began as a force in America to resist government encroachment. Prior to the 1970s, every religious involvement in politics favored government’s expansion (which is likely the real reason Rick worries about it). Even the Roman Catholic Church’s deep 19th Century political activism was in favor of royalism and against “red republicanism.” The predominance of Catholics in the more anti-government Democratic Party was far more the result of American ethnic politics than anything else (in fact, this is best shown by the second Catholic immigration wave - the Italians in the early 20th century, whose rivarly with the Irish in the northeast made them the most prominent Republican voting block in New York and Boston) .
The conscious decision of social conservatives to join the limited government coalition in the pre-Reagan era was unprecedented in American history, and there is no similar political event anywhere else in the world. So we have to ask ourselves why.
The reason is this: not only was the American culture moving in a direction social conservatives found intolerable, but it was largely government policy that was causing it. The definition of human life, previously determined by the people through their legislatures, had been usurped by the judiciary in 1973. Twelve years prior, “separation of church and state” - a phrase coined by non-Framer Thomas Jefferson and a campaign theme by Jacksonians hotly disputed by the Whig opposition - was suddenly written into the Constitution without a single legislator even voting on it. It was these government-authored disruptions that led the “religious right” to be formed. Over the past generation, some have been considered immobile, others actually reversed (the crowding out of faith in the public square, for example, was stopped cold by the Rehnquist Court, which may be its most important legacy); this is leading some people of faith to return to the communitarian impulses of old (thus the numerous anecdotes - behind which admittedly there is not data - of evangelicals moving away from the limited government coalition).
As for the role faith plays in politics today (and the importance we should give to the faith of candidates), it depends on the politician. If a candidate cites faith as a primary role in his political thinking (as Obama has), then it must be scrutinized, whereas a candidate who relies less on his faith in politics (say, McCain) is held to a different standard. I would also submit that Thomas’ larger point was to question Obama’s credibility and his alarming tendency to twist words to mean anything he likes them to mean - he (Thomas) just happened to find that this extended to Obama’s choice of faith.
In short, we tend to remember Christianity’s role in Prohibition, “blue laws,” and prayer in schools far more than its role in ending slavery, bringing equality to the African-Americans, and the continuing battle to protect the most defenseless among us (pre-born children). Those who fear repeats of the former should remind themselves of the latter and temper their criticisms; likewise, those who focus on the latter need to consider the former in offering their defenses. Finally, both sides must remember that it is America’s uniqueness that makes this argument even possible.
Posted by rightwingliberal
